Earlier this month the award ceremony of the Discover Cork Schools’ Heritage Project took place outdoors at the Old Cork Waterworks Experience. A total of 25 schools in Cork City took part in the 2021/22 school year, which included schools in Ballinlough, Beaumont, Blackrock and Douglas and with a reach to Glanmire, Bishopstown, and inner city suburban schools as well. Circa 800 students participated in the process with approx 220 project books submitted on all aspects of Cork’s local history and it cultural and built heritage. 

The Discover Cork Schools’ Heritage Project is in its 20^th year and is a youth platform for students to do research and write it up in a project book on any topic of Cork history. The aim of the project is to allow students to explore, investigate and debate their local heritage in a constructive, active and fun way.

    Co-ordinator and founder of the project, Cllr Kieran McCarthy noted that: “It’s been a great journey over twenty years of promoting and running this project. Over the years, I have received some great projects on Cork landmarks such as Shandon and Nano Nagle Place but also on an array of oral history projects – students working closely with parents, guardians and grandparents. I’ve even seen very original projects, such as this year I received a history trail on fossils on Cork’s buildings and on public pavements. The standard of model-making and in recent years, short film making – to go with project books – have always been creative”.

“This year the Project technically had two award ceremonies – an online YouTube video presenting winning projects to the Lord Mayor of cork Cllr Colm Kelleher, and an informal and outdoor prize-giving event at the Old Cork Waterworks Experience”, concluded Cllr McCarthy.

The Project is funded by Cork City Council with further sponsorship offered by Learnit Lego Education, Old Cork Waterworks Experience and Cllr Kieran McCarthy. Full results for this year’s project as well as the YouTube award ceremony are online on Cllr McCarthy’s heritage website, www.corkheritage .ie. This website also has several history trails, his writings, and resources, which Kieran wrote up and assembled over the past two years.

Kieran’s Our City, Our Town Article,

Cork Independent, 24 February 2022

Journeys to a Free State: Challenges of Commercial Life

There were plenty concerns for Cork society in early 1922. In early February, the 39^th annual report of the Cork Incorporated Chamber of Shipping and Commerce – and one of two Chambers of Commerce in the city at the time – was published in the Cork Examiner. Reflecting on the previous twelve months, the Chamber report describes that during 1921 they hosted fifteen meetings of the Chamber’s central council and several meetings of subcommittees dealing with special subjects were held. John Crosbie was the elected president and the Vice President for 1921 was Braham E Sutton.

Social and political unrest were key characteristics of their 1921 report, which details the practical paralysis of business. In the early part of the year, large areas were cut off from communication with Cork by rail owing to the shutting down of portions of the railway system by the military authorities and through the closing down of the Cork and Bandon, and Cork-Macroom railway lines, due to industrial strikes in late 1921. In June 1921 the Cork, Blackrock and Passage Railway was closed by the military and was shut down for nearly four weeks. The transport situation was much alleviated after the proclamation of the Truce in July 1921.

During 1921 the topic of the transhipment of the mails to the south of Ireland was one of the most repeated campaigns by the Chamber’s council. They continued to point out that the delivery of cross channel letters to Cork at 1pm daily rendered it impossible to reply to them for the next outgoing mail at 2pm the same day. A Belfast incoming mail delivery system of cross channel mail had been accelerated to 10am. No solution was forthcoming for Cork.

The Chamber’s council identified that firstly an acceleration of 40 minutes in the delivery of mail could be affected by firstly a quicker transfer at Holyhead and Kingstown. The delay at Holyhead had been due largely to the examination of luggage there. Secondly the Great Southern and Western Railway could run a special engine with the South of Ireland train from Kingstown to Kingsbridge at an extra cost of £450 per annum to the post office. Representatives of the Great Southern and Western Railway Company promised to bring the matters affecting their mail system before their directors but by early 1922, everyone was still waiting for that outcome.

In general, though, the Chamber’s council expressed ongoing and strong disapproval of the postmaster general’s increased postal charges on the ground. This was also coupled with a late morning delivery of local letters and the curtailment of Sunday mail facilities. They also championed the acceleration of the Fishguard and the Rosslare mails service.

The aftermath of the Burning of Cork was still felt in early 1922. However, in the early part of 1921, the Chamber lobbied for the General Strickland enquiry into the Burning of Cork in December 1920 be published. In a letter by the Council’s Honorary Secretary, Christian Danckert, to UK Prime Minister Lloyd George in February 1921 the Chamber noted: “We learn from the newspapers that it was considered by the Cabinet some weeks ago, and we are at a loss to understand why no indication of its contents has as yet been allowed to transpire. Seeing that property and the value of millions of pounds is in question, the very existence of the city as a commercial community may be said to be at stake. The Council think it lamentable that the unfortunate victims of this terrible calamity should be left in suspense week after week. Nor is interest in the matter confined to Cork, seeing that London underwriters are also concerned for large amounts of compensation. One would suppose the common feelings of humanity would prompt those in authority over this unhappy country to allay the lacerating anxiety, both public and private, which for more than a month has been allowed to prevail. No other means being available to us, my council now addresses this enquiry to you in the hope that I will obtain a response more adequate than the bold acknowledgement, which was thought sufficient for previous communications to the Chief Secretary on this terrible subject”.

Early in 1921, the Chamber’s council created a conference of the owners of property affected by the Burning of Cork. A special committee consisting of representatives of the firms affected and members of the council was formed. This committee held several meetings, collected valuable evidence regarding the origin of the burnings, took up the question with the server insurance companies involved, and obtain special legal advice on the various aspects of the question. They deemed that the preliminary work of that committee would be of much assistance from the final claims for reparation in connection of the Irish settlement come to be adjusted. The council specifically called for Cork claims to be presented separately from these of the other parts of Ireland – due to the extent of “exceptionally aggravating circumstances” and the “convincing evidence of the origin of these fires”.

The Chamber’s council was also involved in a campaign for the establishment of a proper cattle market for Cork. Such a campaign had been ongoing for a quarter of a century. They supported the work of the County of Cork Committee of Agriculture. The proposal was to establish a Cork central cattle market to serve as a clearing ground for the south of Ireland.

A committee was appointed to explore the question and they reported back that their preference was for the site occupied by the corn and Haymarket behind City Hall. However, with City Hall in ruins and its compensation still not sorted the report of the committee was stalled, and ultimately did not come to fruition.

The Chamber’s council was also active in strongly protesting the continuance of the embargo on Eastbourne vessels calling at Cork Harbour. Irish passengers and mails, instead of being landed at Cork harbour, were taken onto English ports and sent back again to Ireland. The embargo was lifted at the end of 1921.

Caption:

1139a. Postcard of Parnell Bridge, Cork City Hall & Cork Carnegie Library, c.1900, pre the Burning of Cork, from Cork City Through Time (2012) by Dan Breen & Kieran McCarthy.

Kieran’s Our City, Our Town Article,

Cork Independent, 10 February 2022

Journeys to a Free State: De Valera Comes to Cork

On Sunday 12 February 1922, the Anti-Treaty side marked the launching of a determined campaign by Éamon de Valera and his followers in Dáil Éireann. They were against the policy adopted by Arthur Griffith and Michael Collins in recommending the Treaty.

The announcement of the launch was issued on the previous Thursday, 9 February and stated; “It is evident from Mr Lloyd George’s speech in the British House of Commons that his policy is once more to trick the Irish people and deal with President Griffith and Mr Collins as he dealt with Messrs Redmond and Dillon”.

The Cork Examiner records that it was under the auspices of the Republican party that three platforms were erected in the heart of Dublin’s O’Connell Street, on Sunday afternoon, 12 February.  The event was densely thronged with people. Thousands of men arrived led by their belief, some in uniform and nearly every one of them carrying arms. They marched in military formation and attracted great attention. De Valera in his speech denounced the treaty, declared that it denied the sovereignty of the Irish people, was signed under the threat of an immediate untenable war, and that it “hopelessly compromised the independence and unity of Ireland”.

Such was the success of the Dublin event in terms of large supportive crowds that De Valera continued his demonstrations at various towns and cities across the country. On Saturday evening 18 February 1922, the Republican demonstration with De Valera and his leading members reached Cork. On receiving a warm welcome at the railway station, De Valera in a short speech remarked: “You don’t want to go into the British Empire; you don’t want to disestablish the Republic, and if an election is forced upon you, we feel certain that the people of Cork will do their part in proving to the world that they still stand for the Irish Republic”.

On the following day on Sunday 19 February, a large public demonstration took place on the Grand Parade and was attended in every respect by a representative contingent of those who supported the Republican cause. Special trains from all the railway lines in the county were requisitioned. The influx was huge. Companies of volunteers marshalled and took their places along the Grand Parade, South Mall, on Washington Street and along the entrance to the place of the meeting. Two platforms were erected – one by the National Monument and one by the Berwick Fountain.

Tram and car services were entirely suspended along the various routes converging on the meeting space. Amongst the bands that took part in the demonstration were the Workingmen’s Brass and Fife and Drum Bands, the MacCurtain Memorial Fife and Drum Band, the Volunteer Piper’s band, and a number of drum and fife bands from across the country.

The Cork Examiner details that De Valera’s arrival was heralded with much enthusiasm by the public present, as he was motored up to the site of his platform. He was escorted by Cathal Brugha TD, Constance Markievicz TD, Seán MacSwiney TD, and other prominent supporters. At platform number one at the National Monument, the proceedings there were presided upon by the Lord Mayor, Councillor Donal Óg O’Callaghan TD. He briefly addressed the meeting in Irish and then called on De Valera to speak. De Valera stepped up with cheers, and cries of “Up the Republic”.

De Valera opened his speech by noting that he went to America to speak to the people of America, and to ask them to recognise the Republic that was “set up in Ireland by the free will of the Irish people”. Little did he dream, he described, that the day would ever come when he would have to come to the Irish people themselves, asking them to affirm that Republic that itself had set up. He noted: “What I have to say to you can best be summarised by the resolutions that I am going to propose to you. They are the same resolutions that were adopted in Dublin by tens of thousands of the citizens of the Irish capital and here in Cork today I am certain that they will be adopted equally without question by the people of the southern capital, the people of Cork”.

De Valera then read the resolutions, which repudiated the Articles of Agreement or Treaty, asserted that any election based on the Treaty would cause partition, deemed the Treaty a threat to the disestablishment of the Republic and its cause, and would do nothing to honour the sacrifices of the men and women who suffered most during the Irish War of Independence.

Proceeding, De Valera said it was not necessary for him to use any argument to impress upon them their approval of the resolutions. He appealed to the crowds present that the nation was in danger – to a greater danger than it was in 750 years. He asserted: “This was the first time in 750 years in which they had been fighting Britain that there was a suggestion to give a democratic title to England in Ireland. Up to this present every Irishman could say that Britain had No title in Ireland”.

De Valera said that it was because they were threatened by an outside enemy and an outside force thought there was any question of departing from the Republic. He noted “if the treaty was signed under duress, then the men who went over broke their faith with the Irish people”.

That afternoon of 12 February 1922, Cathal Brugha TD, Liam Mellows TD, David Kent TD, and Professor William Stockley TD also spoke of the vision of the Irish Republic under threat.

Caption:

1137a. Footage still of Éamon de Valera delivering his oration at the Anti-Treaty event in Dublin, 12 February 1921 (picture: Irish Film Archive).

Kieran’s Our City, Our Town Article,

Cork Independent, 3 February 2022

Journeys to a Free State: The Cumann na mBan Meets

On 5 February 1922, near500 delegates attended the annual convention of Cumann na mBan held in the Mansion House, Dublin. Many of the delegates wore the official uniform of the organisation. Countess Markievicz presided. The proceedings began shortly after 11am.

The Cork Examiner records that whilst opening the convention, Countess Markievicz said that as president she could not make her statement a political speech. All she could say was that they were asked that day to reaffirm their allegiance to the Irish Republic. The question before them was whether they would remain Republican or accept Dominion Home Rule as provided in the Treaty signed in London. She asked them to give the question their careful examination, and “hoped God would give them level heads there that day”.

Following the opening statement Cork’s Mary MacSwiney TD arose and made her proposal – “That the Executive of Cumann na mBan reaffirms its allegiance to the Republic of Ireland, and therefore cannot support the articles of agreement signed in London on December, 6th 1921”. She explained that several telegrams had been received from delegates and branches unable to be represented owing to the railway strike in the South of Ireland, with many indicated support of the idea of the Republic.

Proceeding Mary said the Cumann na mBan was an independent body of Irish women pledged to work for the Republic and its recognition among the nations. She asked if they were going to stand by the Republic or for Dominion Home Rule, or whether they were going to be “sitters on the fence”. She put forward that women were the backbone of the nation and asked them to reaffirm their allegiance to the Republic and “not to be led astray by those who talked of the Treaty being a step towards the Republic”.

Discussing the Dáil decision on the Treaty, Mary asserted that all those in Dáil Éireann took an oath of allegiance to the Republic and swore to help the interests in every way. She held that: “The people who would take that oath were people who do not believe in the oath to the Republic, and therefore were not the people to lead the country to its goal and force its recognition as a Republic by the nations”.

The Treaty, Mary held, was a subversion of the Republic and they could not accept it without turning down the Republic. Therefore, she asked them to “think carefully, and to think bravely”. She pointed out that the strongest plea abroad was that Ireland was not a domestic question for Britain, but the “case of a small nation fighting for its life”. She further noted: “If we accept the Treaty we would be accepting the position of Ireland as a domestic question, and the nations of the world would be able to say when approached – this is a domestic question, we cannot interfere”. Concluding, Mary MacSwiney highlighted: “we have the Republic, and we will never give it up”. Mary’s motion was seconded, and several delegates spoke briefly in support of the resolution.

The principal rebuttal was given by Jenny Wyse Power. Wicklow-born Jennie was a prominent member of Sinn Féin from its very outset of its creation as a party. Jenny set up a branch of the Gaelic League in Dublin and was its first secretary. In 1914 she was a founder member of Cumann na mBan.

Jenny proposed the following amendment to Mary MacSwiney’s motion: “That we reaffirm our allegiance to the Republic, but, realising, that the treaty signed in London will – if accepted by the Irish people – be a big step along the road to that end. We declare we will not work obstructively against those who support the treaty – (1) either in their putting the treaty before the people, or (2) in the subsequent working of it, should the majority of the people accept the treaty at a general election; and we also declare that in such an election this organisation shall not take a party side as between men who have worked so nobly and given such proof of their loyalty to the Republic”.

Jenny further noted it required some courage for her to say what she intended to say at the meeting. She noted: “I have nothing to put before you in the way of a heroic record except that my life had been spent in drudgery for the service of Ireland”. She held the perspective that the decision they were called upon to make there was unfair and premature. She felt until the IRA declared what they were going to do it was premature for the Cumann to register a decision. Jenny held that they would be in a “very curious position” if they decided on a policy that would be different from the policy of IRA.

Jenny argued that the amendment she proposed would save the Cumann as an organisation and keep it out of what she deemed “dirty election work in Ireland”. She articulated the question: “Were they going today to decide to support only Republican candidates and go out in the open against Irishmen who had fought and worked for the Republic?” Such action, Jenny contended, would obstruct the mechanics of the “Free State”. She also added: “If the Free State is not accepted British government returns to this country and the military.

A formal vote was taken and 419 Cumann na mBan members voted against as opposed to 63 in favour. Jenny’s amendment fell. Ultimately a split in the Cumann na mBan occurred. In March 1922 the Pro-Treaty women, headed by Jennie Wyse Power set up the organisation called Cumann na Saoirse. Some of those who supported the Treaty changed the name of their branches to Cumann na Saoirse, while others retained their name Cumann na mBan, but gave allegiance to the Provisional Government.

Caption:

1136a. Photograph of Cumann na mBan Executive, 5 February 1922 (source: National Library of Ireland, Dublin).

Kieran’s Our City, Our Town Article,

Cork Independent, 27 January 2022

Journeys to a Free State: Evacuation and Amnesty Begins

By 12 January 1922, all over Munster, preparations were in progress for the evacuation by the British military and police. Inventories were taken, baggage were packed up and were made ready for departure. In some districts special trains were arranged to remove troops whilst steamer accommodation was also made ready.

The 12 and 13 January also coincided with the start of the release of political prisoners across Ireland and in the UK. Eighty-five prisoners were released from Cork Gaol off Western Road. Of these 32 were convicted men, 21 were under a sentence of death, 20 others had unconfirmed sentence and there were 12 untried men.

 Many people assembled in the vicinity of the prison. For some time before the release of the prisoners, they cheered from their cells and other parts of the gaol, and outside responded. As soon as the first party of prisoners arrived outside the gates they were greeted with cheer after cheer. The first batch of 32 convicted men exited the prison gates and one of their number played the soldier’s song on a mouth organ.

On 16 January 1922, the formal handing-over took place of the departments at Dublin castle to the Provisional Government. Members of the new government, headed up by Michael Collins, entered Dublin castle amidst the cheers of a vast crowd. They were received by the outgoing viceroy in the Privy Council chamber. The formal handing over of the departments followed. A statement, signed by Desmond Fitzgerald, Minister of Publicity and sent to the press, noted but they had received the surrender of Dublin castle, and “had taken it over for the Irish nation”.

A proclamation from the new Irish government also directed that all law courts, corporations, councils, departments of State, boards, judges, civil servants, officials, and all public servants and functionaries, who acted under authority the British government, were to continue to carry out their functions unless another way was ordered by the new government and their new constitution.

On the same day of Dublin Castle’s takeover, the first batch of political prisoners who had been released from English gaols reached Cork City. There was an enormous crowd present at the railway station. The reception was an impromptu one, and comprised some members of the local Volunteers, representatives from Cumann na mBan, and friends and relations of the men.

When the train steamed into the station there was cheers, accompanied by a deafening half a dozen fog signals. Among the political prisoners were eight members of the bodyguard of the late Lord Mayor Terence MacSwiney, who had been arrested on board MacSwiney’s funeral boat from Dun Laoghaire-Holyhead for wearing the volunteer uniform. The party also included Patrick O’Keeffe or Pádraig Ó Chaoimh, secretary of the Cork County Board, who had just served at twelve month imprisonment. In time Pairc Ui Chaoimh was to named after him.

One of those released from the Isle of Wight’s Pankurst Prison was Fr Dominic O’Connor. He was the chaplain of Lord Mayor Tomás MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney returned to Cork from his imprisonment. A correspondent of the Cork Examiner interviewed him.

Following the sad events of Terence MacSwiney’s funeral on 31 October 1920, the Lord Mayor’s Capuchin Chaplain Fr Dominic O’Connor received death threats in Cork. For his own safety, the Father Provincial sent him to Kilkenny and then to Dublin. Fr Dominic arrived in Dublin in November 1920. He rarely left the house and during part of that time he also became unwell.

On 9 January 1921, Fr Dominic, was charged before a Field General Court Martial at Kilmainham Courthouse. Fr Dominic was charged on two counts – that he was making a letter statement in a house in Brixton London “to cause disaffection to his Majesty” and secondly that whilst in Dublin he had in possession a “memorandum tablet” or notebook containing statements – the publication of which would be likely “to cause disaffection to his Majesty”. The sentence was five years’ penal servitude, with two remitted, i.e. three years’ penal servitude. In the prison at London’s Wormwood Scrubbs his clerical attire was taken from him, and he was garbed in ordinary criminal convict clothes, and handcuffed. He was taken to Parkhurst Convict Prison in the Isle of Wight. There he was bound by the conventional convict regime regarding dress, diet, and labour (though his hair and beard were not cut).

In his interview with the Cork Examiner (published on 25 January 1922), Fr Dominic noted he and other political prisoners had no privileges except for a censored letter every four months and a visit at the same periods at which of course a warder was present. Despite the strict surveillance one of his fellow prisoners managed, through an American source, to obtain a copy of all of the Irish papers occasionally.

On his release on 14 January 1922, Fr Dominic was handed a bundle of letters, some of which were sent to him in Easter 1921, and of which he had never heard of them till then. He noted in his interview, “I was handed a bundle of letters…one of which was from a friend who has since died. Some friends also sent us parcels for Christmas, but they were returned. My sister who was a nun of the Dominican order in South Africa, wrote to me, but her letters were returned without me knowing that that they had even arrived”.

Missed one of the 51 columns in 2021, check out the indices at Kieran’s heritage website, www.corkheritage.ie

Caption:

1135a. Fr Dominic O’Connor, c.1920 (source: Irish Capuchin Provincial Archive).

Kieran’s Our City, Our Town Article,

Cork Independent, 13 January 2022

Journeys to a Free State: A Treaty is Ratified

At ten minutes to 9pm on Saturday night, 7 January 1922, Dáil Éireann voted on the Articles of Agreement or peace treaty. It was ratified by 64 votes to 57. The division followed days of animated debate with the closing speakers being Cathal Brugha and Arthur Griffith. A total of 121 TDs out of 129 deputies recorded their votes. Out of the eight whose vote was not recorded five held dual representation to seats. One was the speaker, Eoin MacNeill who did not vote as his role would have been in a casting vote position. Just two deputies were technically unable to be present – one had expressed an opposing view on the Treaty and the other was in support – in their correspondence respectively.

The Cork Examiner records that each deputy of TD was allocated one vote. Some surprises arose during the polling, and it was evident that some deputies maintained secrecy as to how they would vote until they actually cast their vote vocally. When the decision of the assembly had been announced, the atmosphere again became electric, especially when President de Valera rose in his place, and made a speech, indicating that because of the verdict he would resign his office as Chief of the Executive of Dáil Éireann. He, however, had only concluded, when Michael Collins rose, and appealed for unity.

Cork’s Mary MacSwiney followed and in a short speech pointed out that they “could not unite the ideal of a Republic and a betrayal worse than Castlereagh’s [a reference to Viscount Castlereagh in LondonDerry]”. Her incisive comments again electrified the atmosphere. Mary had also given a long and passionate intervention against the Treaty in the days before the vote. De Valera again rose and announced that he would hold a meeting of his supporters on the following day at Dublin’s Mansion House. Another appeal for unity was made by Michael Collins as the assembly anxiously awaited the outcome of such interchanges.

The Cork Examiner records that De Valera again arose and in a very subdued voice said; “Before we rise I should like to say my last word” – but he only added one more sentence when he broke down, and resuming his seats placed his head between his hands resting on the table at which he thought for a moment. that for a moment it was the most intense scene, and it was only ended by the speaker’s announcement that the house would be adjourned until the subsequent Monday morning.

At that stage the Lord Mayor of Dublin Laurence O’Neil approached De Valera, took him by the arm and escorted him from the chamber. Deputies also departed and were followed by the public, with the result that the entire chamber was soon completely deserted. Along the corridors of the building many people, who were unable to gain admission to the chamber had congregated, while outside the university there was an immense gathering – each assemblage being most anxious to learn the decision of Dáil Éireann’s ratification question.

Outside the bulk of the public present appeared to approve of the action had been taken. Arthur Griffith was one of the first leaders is to leave in company with several of his supporters. He was the recipient of a great ovation especially when he made his appearance outside the main entrance to the vote venue at Dublin’s University Buildings, Earlsfort Terrace.

 Shortly afterwards De Valera took his departure and cheers were called for him. Similarly, cheers were extended to Michael Collins, who had great difficulty moving through the crowds to get to his motor car. No interviews were given to the press by De Valera or Collins at that point.

An interview was, however, given by the Lord Mayor of Cork, Donal Óg O’Callaghan. The Cork Examiner records that the Lord Mayor commented on the need to revisit the vote in the weeks ahead and made a call out for the public to remain calm: “Now that the decision has been given, there has been a terrible strain upon all participating in this debate. The forces at work were very strong. Personally, I deplore the decision. I think a great mistake has been made but I have the most profound confidence in my fellow country men and women, and I am satisfied that they desire absolute freedom now as fervently as ever – so for the moment they may desire the ratification of this treaty, owing to obvious circumstances and warweariness, and so on. That they never will be satisfied until what has been temporally undone tonight will be again established. I am firmly convinced that the aspiration of the Irish people will never be satisfied until the Irish Republic functions are recognised and unfettered.

Concluding the Lord Mayor offered some words of warning about maintaining discipline to the cause of the Irish Republic; “I hope the people of the country, and especially my fellow citizens in Cork will not allow the splendid discipline which has been our mainstay up to the present, and which alone enabled us to succeed as far as he did succeed, will continue on unimpaired, and that no acts, even of an isolated character will occur that might prove the starting point of a departure from this discipline which once lost could be regained only after much difficulty and after much loss. That discipline is no more than ever necessary if our country is not to be thrown into chaos”.

Back in Cork on Cork’s St Patrick’s Street the feeling of tension gradually increased as the evening wore on. From 7pm on large crowds of people congregated outside the Cork Examiner office waiting for the result of the vote.

The momentous news did not reach Cork till after 9pm, and its publication in a special extra edition of the Evening Echo gave rise to those waiting patiently for news on St Patrick’s Street. Within theatres and picture houses the news was relayed. At a packed Cork Opera House, comedians Iky and Will Scott, whilst performing during their introductory dialogue at their pantomime noted that “there was good news for Ireland”. Both shook hands on the stage. After announcing the ratification majority there was sustained and loud applause. Enthusiastic scenes were also witnessed at the Palace Theatre and at the picture houses, where the news had also been telephoned, and was promptly screened.

Missed one of the 51 columns in 2021, check out the indices at Kieran’s heritage website, www.corkheritage.ie

Caption:

1133a. Picture from the Treaty debate, Dublin, early January 1922 (picture: National Library of Ireland).